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ATTENTION COACH and TOUR OPERATORS

ATTENTION COACH and TOUR OPERATORS
Our friendly and excellent guides are available as Step On Guides for any visiting tour or coach operators who may like a unique, entertaining and educational tour of Irish History and the events of Easter Week 1916.

Thursday, March 9, 2017

Reis's Chambers, The 1916 Rising, the Execution of Francis Hynes and Charles Reis - Part One


5.30p.m. Friday August 11th 1882
Green Street Special Court, Dublin

Mr. John Walton, a respected solicitor from Ennis, County Clare sat down on the wooden bench after informing Mr. Justice Andrew Lawson that he had concluded the case for the defence. The judge smiled yet again, reached under his red robes and then took out his pocket watch at the end of the silver ornamental chain and opened the lid.
            ‘Members of the Jury it is late and I am instructing the Sub-Sheriff to take you for the night to a Dublin hotel perhaps I can recommend the Gresham, I have dined there often myself and it would be in keeping with the standard of gentleman serving on today’s jury’

The court rose to its feet, the Judge left and the prisoner taken down to the cells underground. The twelve men of the jury filed out and into a sparsely decorated jury room. The men patiently waited for a couple of minutes when the door opened and James Campbell, the Sub Sheriff under the Dublin City’s High Sheriff Edmund Gray MP, entered the room.
            ‘Honourable Gentlemen I am charged with your protection and to provide repose and refreshments for tonight at the direction of His Honour. I can offer you the fine facilities at The European Hotel or the Imperial Hotel’
            ‘But Mr. Justice Lawson recommended the Gresham’ interjected the jury foreman, forty year old businessman and merchant William George Barrett of Kingstown*.
(* Kingstown is now Dun Laoghaire)

A number of the men spoke against staying at the Imperial Hotel as they believed that it was frequented by the rebellious nationalists and supporters of the Charles Stewart Parnell Roman Catholic dominated Irish Party. They suggested as did Mr. Justice Lawson the Gresham Hotel on Upper Sackville Street* or the Shelbourne Hotel located on St. Stephen’s Green. Some of the jurors even suggested that they would rather spent the night in the court house as was with previous juries than go to the Imperial Hotel. But with the introduction of the Prevention of Crime Act and the moving of cases such as murder cases from the assizes in the country outside Dublin, juries were being afforded better treatment in a belief that they would be more conducive to giving the prosecution the desired result. After some heated discussion, Campbell ended the chatter.
            ‘Alright Gentlemen of the Jury as you have rejected the European, I will be taking you to the Imperial.’
The Imperial Hotel was located on Sackville Street and the European Hotel was located on Bolton Street.
(* Upper Sackville Street is now O’Connell Street)

The twelve unhappy men were transported by horse drawn coaches accompanied by Mr. Campbell, two bailiffs John Williams and George Strong and four Dublin Metropolitan Police constables James Caffrey, James Donnelly, Robert Young and Michael Carey. Also with the protection detail was James Campbell Junior son of the Sub Sheriff although not officially court appointed. The coaches traveled along the River Liffey quays as far as Carlisle Bridge* and turned right down Sackville Street passed the recently completed statue of the Emancipator Daniel O’Connell. The coaches stopped in front of the Imperial Hotel that overshadowed all of the buildings on that side of the street. Opposite the hotel was the façade of the General Post Office and between the two on the central meridian named Gardiner's Mall was the impressive one hundred and thirty four feet high Nelson’s Column granite and stone structure. The twelve men and their escorts entered. The men many of them wearing black frock coats, while others wore three piece suits topped with tall hats and walking sticks entered the lobby and waited to be taken to the floor that was assigned to them although there was no room assignments.
(*Carlisle Bridge is now called O’Connell Bridge)

The Imperial Hotel itself was located on the upper floors over McSwiney’s and Delaney’s Mart*, one of the first purpose built shopping malls in Europe opened in 1853 in time for the Dublin Exhibition. It was an impressive four storey structure modern for its day. In 1882 the Hotel was operated by William Lawlor. When James Campbell arrived at the hotel reception he spoke to the manager whom he had dealt with in the recent past. He told the manager that a floor should be cleared for them and that food should be provided for the jury and their protection. He also informed the manager that drink could be served in moderation. This would be good business for the hotel.
(*McSwiney’s and Delany’s Mart is today Cleary’s Department Store)

The jurors were taken to the third floor where all the rooms had been cleared but for two guests William O’Brien and Elizabeth Carberry. It was just after six p.m. and after freshening up, the jurors traveled back down one flight of stairs to a dining room to have pre-dinner drinks.

1881
Lissane and Knockaneane, Ennis County Clare

For a number of years John Doolaghty had worked as a herdsman for the Hynes family on their seventy acre farm but in post famine Ireland and at the height of Land League efforts to get a fair deal in rents paid by native Irish to Landlords, the Hynes family struggled to keep their farm financially viable. In 1878, the Hynes family rented out the grazing parts of their farm to James Lynch of Lissane. Head of the family John Hynes, a solicitor in Ennis in an attempt to keep the family from being evicted resorted to criminal activities and after being suspected of forgery fled the country leaving his wife and sons to look after the homestead. In 1880 the Hynes family were evicted from their farm and it was sold to James Lynch.

Francis Hynes took particular offence to this loss of the homestead even though he would not have been the beneficiary of the land as it would have gone to his married brother William and especially when he discovered that John Doolaghty had decided to stay on the farm as a herdsman for the new owner. Francis Hynes was a twenty three year old, six foot three fit young man who felt hard done by when Doolaghty would not agree to a boycott of the James Lynch farm. On February 4th 1881, young Hynes was bound over to the peace by the local Resident Magistrate Captain Hugh McTernan when he was accused of intimidating and attempting to bribe the Doolaghty family. These events followed a meeting in the town of Ennis addressed by the Nationalist MP Charles Stewart Parnell.

On taking over the farm James Lynch whose fortune was someone else’s misfortune had driven twenty three cattle onto the land and the Hynes brothers arrived and drove the cattle onto the road and threatened to take them further if there was no settlement with Doolaghty with regards to him quitting the employ of James Lynch. James Lynch although now in receipt of the farm had no quarrel with the Hynes family as they had proved honest and fair in their dealings with him in the previous years and they had prior to that been good neighbours.

Despite being bound over to the peace, Francis Hynes was suspected of being in a party that attacked the Doolaghty home and fired bullets into a cabinet shattering a number of plates. On another occasion, the grass on Lynch’s farm was cut in the middle of the night and stolen and in October 1881 shots were fired at Lynch himself as he herded some cattle through a field.

On Sunday July 9th 1882, John Doolaghty and his wife Elizabeth known locally as Eliza left their home and attended Mass in Ennis. After Mass, Eliza went to visit the local convent while John set off on the walk home on that bright summer’s day.

 7p.m. August 11th 1882
Dining Room, Imperial Hotel, Sackville Street.

Having made the arrangements with the manager and given details of where the invoice should sent, Campbell left for his own home on Rutland Place to have his dinner leaving John Williams and his son in charge of the members of the Jury.

The jury chosen for this case were forty year old William G Barrett a Distiller and mineral water merchant from Kingstown* who was chosen as the jury foreman. Forty five year old Royal Bank, Smithfield branch bank manager Richard Barbor from Rathmines and member of the Church of Ireland. The oldest member of the jury selected was Richard Carey of Lansdowne Road a retired gentlemen who professed to be a Protestant. Church of Ireland members William Gibson of Ormond Quay, fifty one year old plumber William Macklin of Kingstown and James Maconchy of Rathgar. Also selected was Dominic Street based Land Agent resident of Rathgar Edward C Hamilton. He was thirty five years old and a member of the Church of Ireland congregation.  Twenty eight year old Ephraim Phillips was a draper and hosier of Grafton Street a Methodist who would later become a rates collector in the city. John Beatty, forty one years old and a carpet manufacturer with a shop on Grafton Street and a Presbyterian. He was the co-founder of ‘Millar and Beatty, Carpet and Oil Cloth Warehouse’ who also had an office at Number Five Grafton Street. Grave E. Seabright, fifty four of Pembroke Road, Church of Ireland and William Wardropp of Great Brunswick Street* a Presbyterian. Wardropp was involved in building materials and construction sales who resided at Hamilton House on Ailesbury Road. The twelfth and final member of the jury was Scottish born Charles L Reis a jeweler on Grafton Street who was of the Jewish faith.

Charles Lionel Reis was born in Liverpool in July 1849 eldest son of Jonas and Elizabeth Reis. He married his first cousin Elizabeth in 1872 but she would pass away in 1915 after producing nine children, eight of whom survived. In June 1916 he married Christine McKay in Glasgow. In the 1870, Reis came arrived in Ireland having opened stores in Glasgow, Sheffield and Birmingham. He opened his first Dublin store on Westmoreland Street before moving to 115 Grafton Street and opening a second store at 6 Lower Sackville Street which would be vacated for the Dublin Bread Company and Reis’s moving to the corner of Lower Abbey Street. Reis’s company would also open a shop at 85 Patrick Street, Cork City. Reis’s business was destroyed in Dublin and he would pass away in Glasgow in 1927. For the duration of his time in Dublin, Reis lived at 1 Ailesbury Road in the affluent leafy suburbs of Ballsbridge and Mount Merrion.

Of the twelve members of the jury three did not drink whether by choice or belief, Ephraim Phillips, Richard Carey and William Macklin. The group gathered in the dining room and pre dinner drinks were delivered but it was not just the jury having a drink but all their guards would be consuming alcoholic beverages. It was the first opportunity for the gentlemen to get to know each other socially. They formed into small groups, some talking about their business, others about their personal lives and others discussing the case.

The pre-dinner drinks consisted of the following,
William Barrett         Glass of Sherry
Richard Barbor        Glass of Wine
William Gibson         A half glass of Gin and Bitters
James Maconchy     Glass of Sherry
Charles L. Reis        A half glass of Gin and Bitters
Grave Seabright       A half glass of Sherry
William Wardropp   A half Glass of Gin and Bitters

None of the other members of the Jury had a drink before dinner. But the jury were not the only ones having drinks before dinner. The men of the protection detail were also drinking as they took it in turns of three to eat while the others watched the jury members. The drinks served to the protection detail were as follows
John Williams               A half glass of Whiskey
George Strong              A Glass of Whiskey
James Caffrey               A half Glass of Whiskey
James Donnelly             A half glass of Whiskey
Robert Young               A half glass of Whiskey
Michael Carey              A half glass of Whiskey

The conversation was light hearted and warm as they sat around the table and sipped their drinks as they prepared for the evening meal. Most of the men were business men and discussion often veered towards their various occupations and perhaps what they could do for each other once the trial was over.

2.30pm July 9th 1882
The Road at Knockaneane


John Doolaghty attired in his Sunday best tweed suit was walking along the country road home when he met local man Cornelius McCormack who walked and chatted with him between Rossleven Cross and Guaria Cross where they parted and John Doolaghty continued alone along the road home. Suddenly from the bushes jumped a gunman in front of a startled Doolaghty and fired a gun at closed range into his face with the shot damaging much of the left side of his face and some shot penetrating his left eye and penetrating his brain. He collapsed on the road. Doctor Daxon, a doctor at the Clare County Asylum was first on the scene driving on his way home and moments later from the opposite direction came local butcher Michael Considine. They attempted to treat the wounds of the injured man at the side of the road. Shortly after 2.30p.m. Eliza was making her way home when she met a young man running along the road fetching water who informed her that he husband had been shot. She hurried along to the scene of the crime and knelt beside her injured husband cradling his bloodied her in her lap.

She immediately demanded that a priest be summoned. At 3.20p.m. Doctor Daxon left to fetch local curate Reverend J. Loughnane who returned with him and had obtained a flask of whiskey which he brought with him from the rectory. With some water Eliza wiped the blood from her husbands face and a small amount of whiskey was placed on the lips of the injured man but he had problems swallowing. She later recounted to the investigating magistrate that she asked her husband who shot him and she said that he had said ‘Francy’.

Reverend Loughnane began to give the dying man the last rights. He said in court that the man seemed to follow the act of contrition but that he was struggling in and out of consciousness. The priest believed under oath that the man was in a coma. After delivering the priest Doctor Daxon left again for Ennis and informed the local police of the incident. A large force of policemen headed for the scene of the crime.

First on the scene was Constable Richard Doyle followed shortly after at 4.30p.m. by Captain Hugh McTernan RM, sub Inspector Croghran and police surgeon Doctor William Cullinan. According to early reports when Constable Doyle arrived they moved the injured man into the nearly National School of the road and out of the elements and that is where the injured man was when Captain McTernan arrived. But in a number of court appearances the Captain would under oath claim that the injured man was still by the side of the road and that he ordered the constables to break in the door of the school only to fetch a pen and paper for a dying declaration. McTernan said that he asked who Doolaghty who had shot him and that he replied ‘Francy Hynes’ and that he asked ‘was it Francy Hynes who shot you?’ and Doolaghty replied  ‘yes’ this despite both Doctor Daxon and Reverend Loughnane stating that Doolaghty was both incoherent and unconscious.  McTernan swore that he wrote a dying declaration on a piece of paper for Doolaghty. “I John Doolaghty believing that I am dying, declare that Francis Hynes killed me by firing shots at me” and that when he repeated the declaration and showed it to Doolaghty that he replied ‘yes’.

The injured man was then taken home where he was tended to by Dr. Cullinan and his family. He succumbed to his wounds and died on Monday night at 10.15p.m.

July 9th 1882
Hassett's Public House, Barefield

Constable Doyle was despatched to arrest Francis Hynes whom they were informed could be found in Hassett's public house in the nearby village of Barefield. Constable Doyle said that he found the suspect eating outside the bar and that he seemed to him to be intoxicated. Francis Hynes was twenty three years old and athletic in build in his six foot three inch frame. The son a local solicitor who had himself ran foul of the law on charges of forgery. They owned a farm at Drumdoolaghty but it the tough economic times of post famine Ireland and at the height of the land leagues battle for fair rents for tenants, the family let out the grass on their farm to James Lynch in 1878 and 1879. The following year financial matters overtook the Hynes family and they were evicted from their farm in 1880 for non payment of rent. The farm was then sold to James Lynch who maintained the employment of the herdsman James Doolaghty much to the displeasure of the Hynes family. In February 1881 Francis Hynes was bound over to the peace by the local Resident Magistrate Hugh McTernan for twelve months for intimidating and attempting to bribe James Doolaghty. The intimidation included the cutting and stealing of the grass on the farm in the middle of the night and the opening of gates and allowing Lynch’s cattle to roam free on the roads.  In September 1881 a group of armed men including members of the Hynes family raided the Doolaghty family home on the farm and fired a number of shots in an attempt to get Doolaghty to boycott the employment of Lynch. Even the sound of shattering delph did not stop Doolaghty faithfully serving his master as he too had a large family to feed and needed the work. In October 1881 shots were fired at James Lynch as he herded his cattle from a field. Much of the Hynes’s frenzy was whipped up following an impassioned speech in Ennis by the leader of the Irish party Charles Stewart Parnell.

When he was searched he found some gun powder and buck shot in his pocket and a pair of dry socks. He claimed that in appearance that his boots were grey as though they had been through water and his socks seemed wet and were up over the bottom of his trousers. Hynes immediately denied any hand or part in the shooting and that he could not have done it as he was in the bar at the time of the shooting and that from the time of the shooting to the time he arrived in the pub he would not have had the time to make the four mile journey. The police claim that there was a stream between the scene of the crime and the place of arrest and that it why his boots looked wet that he made his escape through the stream.

The landlady of the house and three customers claim that Francis was drinking with them at the time of the murder. He claimed that at the time given for the murder he was entering the bar and would not have had the time to make it from the scene of the crime to the pub in the allotted time. Francis Hynes was taken to the police barracks in Ennis. 
7.30p.m. August 11th 1882

The Dining Room of the Imperial Hotel

The jury were eating dinner and another round of drinks were served while they were eating. There was sherry, whiskey and a bottle of Claret served. The drinks orders were as follows
William Barrett              A Glass of Sherry
Richard Barbor             A Glass of grog
John Beatty                  One and a half Glasses of Sherry
William Gibson             A Half Glass of Sherry
Edward Hamilton          A Glass of Whiskey
James Maconchy          Two Glasses of Sherry
Charles Reis                 Three Glasses of Claret
Graves Seabright          A half glass of Claret
William Wardropp        A Glass of Sherry and Three quarters of a glass of Whiskey
The other three jurors only had water with their dinner.

The protection detail also ordered drinks with their meals as follows
John Williams               A Glass of Whiskey
George Strong              A Glass of Whiskey
James Caffrey               A Glass of Whiskey
James Donnelly             A Bottle of stout
Robert Young               A Glass of Whiskey
Michael Carey              A Glass of Whiskey

After the plates were cleared another round of drinks were ordered by some of the jury members and Charles Reis ordered a bottle of champagne and four glasses for himself, Mr. Barrett, Mr. Maconchy and Mr. Wardropp. He tells his fellow jury members that having a bottle of champagne after his lunch was a regular occurrence if he were at home. William Gibson ordered a glass of beer and Graves Seabright had another glass of Claret. Some of the men began to smoke cigars and there was discomfort amongst some of the older members and the non smokers as the room quickly resembled a harbour fog scene. As chairman of the jury, Mr. Barrett asked the guard at the door if there was somewhere else the men who wished to smoke could go. After some discussion and a suggestion from Charles Reis, six of the jury, half of them, were escorted down one floor to the hotel’s billiard room by two constables and a bailiff. On duty in the room was the hotel’s Billiard Marker Alfred Martin.


Four jury members remained talking in the dining room and Richard Barbor and William Macklin retired to bed early at 9.45p.m. and 10p.m. respectively. Mr. Barbor spent his time after dinner reading a copy of The London Times and retired to bed when a member of his family had delivered his nightclothes to the reception of the hotel and they had been passed onto him by one of the Constables. At 9.30pm Mr. Campbell arrived in the dining room and passed the remark to Mr. Beatty that jurors now had so much liberty compared to olden days when they would have been locked up in the sparse and unaccommodating surroundings of the Green Street Courthouse.

Wednesday, February 15, 2017

The Americans Are Coming

For many when you mention the United States and the Easter Rising the first association is with Eamon DeValera. DeValera was the Commandant of the Boland’s Mill garrison and when court martialled by the British Crown was sentenced to death. It is assumed by most historians that this death sentence was commuted to life in prison due to the fact that DeValera had been born in 1882 in New York. But DeValera was not the only US citizen involved in the Easter Rising. Jeremiah Lynch also known as Diarmuid Lynch was born in County Cork in 1878 but moved to the United States in 1897 after a stint working for the British Civil Service in London eventually becoming a naturalised US citizen. In 1908 he retuned to Ireland and became involved in the nationalist movement. During the Easter Rising he was Aide de Camp to James Connolly in the GPO. He was arrested after the rising and was sentenced to death for his part. Following the direct intervention of US President Woodrow Wilson his death sentence was commuted and he was released with most of the other combatants of the Rising in 1917.

Another United States citizen jailed for his part in the Rising was James Mark Sullivan. Born in Killarney, County Kerry in 1872, his family moved to America when he was young. Educated at Yale University, Sullivan became a lawyer in New York. At the age of forty he married twenty eight year old Limerick heiress Nell O’Mara. In August 1913 he was appointed US Ambassador to Santo Domingo (modern day Dominican Republic) but he resigned some months later following the emergence of fraud allegations.

He returned he Ireland and took part in the Easter Rising eventually sentenced he served his time in Kilmainham and Arbour Hill. According to Pat Lavelle "My brother in law Dick Humphreys told me that Uncle Jim Sullivan was the life and soul of the prisoners up at Kilmainham gaol. Dick knew because he was one of them. He said that they were all feeling very gloomy, most of them sentenced to death or likely to be, and that Uncle Jim came in on them like a fresh breeze with his hearty laughter and his big voice and American wisecracks and without a tremor of fear; for who could touch an American citizen if all came to all", apparently he was under threat of execution "but not executed due to his American diplomatic passport". Sullivan was the founder of The Film Company of Ireland which produced a number of early silent movies starring Abbey Theatre actors but these films were destroyed during the British bombardment during the Rising. Sullivan died in August 1935.

                                                                        Jim Sullivan c 1910

Perhaps the most famous American involved in the Easter Rising was Eamon DeValera who would in the years after become President of Ireland. But other US citizens joined the fray one of these was John A. Kilgallon. He was born in the village of Far Rockaway, New York in 1891. His father Luke and mother Nora (nee Walsh) emigrated from County Mayo. They married in the United States and John was their only son.
Luke earned a living as blacksmith who wisely learned how to fix cars and built a prosperous auto repair and gas station. He patented a device to put tires onto the rims and became financially wealthy in real estate.
In 1914 he sent his son to St. Enda's school in Dublin. There John Kilgallon was decisively influenced by the school's founder, Patrick H. Pearse, one of the leaders of the 1916 Easter Rebellion. Known as "The Yank" John drilled as part of a unit known as "Pearse's Own" consisting of current and former St. Enda's students. But how did this photographer end up at St. Enda’s. Firstly his parents had the means to send him to Ireland and study at St. Enda’s with the attendant living expenses covered.
Secondly he was basically on the run. On August 20th 1912 and not even twenty one John had taken a car from his father garage and attended a party. Following the party just after 2am in the morning the car was packed with ten people and according to police reports the car was travelling at 65 mph when it struck a farm wagon, catapulting the occupants from the car and over turning.
The most seriously injured was sixteen year old Cecilia Welstead who was crippled for life following the accident. In January 1915 Ms. Welstead sought $50,000 but the Kilgallon family had removed their son from the jurisdiction and sent him to Ireland John’s father denied in court that his son’s departure had anything to do with the court case. Ms. Welstead was awarded $20,000 in damages by Justice Scudder.
He was in the Post Office during the thick of the combat, and surrendered with Pearse after six days of heavy fighting. According to Desmond Ryan’s BMH witness statement
"Holy Ge"!, cries John A. Kilgallon, in his American accent to two bewildered postal officials: "This 'ain't no half-arsed revolution! This is the business.”
After his capture, Kilgallon with an address at The Hermitage Rathfarnham was sent to the Richmond Barracks before being marched to the docks and taken first to Stafford Jail and then to Frongoch Prison Camp in Wales where he became a hut leader. The authorities offered to release him if he swore an oath of allegiance to the British crown. John rejected this offer. This had been stated in a letter to his father published in the Brooklyn Eagle in February 1917 which had been smuggled out of Frongoch by Annie Buffin the sister of Eamon Buffin who was also a student at St Enda’s and is remembered as one who had raised the flag above the GPO at the start of the Rising. America's Ambassador the Court of St. James, Walter Page, pressed the British government to release "The Yank" with US newspapers referring to Kilgallon as a ‘schoolboy’. Kilgallon was released on Christmas Day 1916.
While their son was in Frongoch, Luke Kilgallon received a letter in the post on May 11th from Padraig Pearse which reported on his son’s progress at St. Enda’s. Pearse said ‘he is very well and has made genuine progress. He has certainly benefited from his time at St. Enda’s.’ The letter was an acknowledgement of fees paid to the school on behalf of John Kilgallon.
John Kilgallon in Uniform
Part of John ‘the yank’ Kilgallon legacy to the rising is a series of photographs he took on Easter Sunday at St Enda’s of comrades on the day before the Rising begun.
John served his native country in World War I as a machinist in the United States Navy. From his service record, it appears that spent the entire war in stateside naval bases. John died in 1972 at the age of 80.


Thursday, February 2, 2017

June 1917 - The Real Rising Part 1

While much of the focus of possible unrest in Ireland in 1917 was on St Patrick’s Day and Easter weekend, enforced bans of gatherings muted much of these protests. June however was a month of discontent, widespread disorder and change. In February 1917 the father of the executed leader Joseph Plunkett, George Noble Plunkett known as Count Plunkett, had been elected as an anti Nationalist party MP representing the emerging Sinn Fein to Westminster for North Roscommon.  That bye election had been one of ten held in Ireland during 1917 three of them won by Sinn Fein candidates, the others elected were Joe McGuinness in South Longford and W T Cosgrave in Kilkenny. Former Unionist candidate Colonel G O’Callaghan Westropp in the 1892 Election in Clare wrote,
‘The gospel of Sinn Fein is essentially national and non party and it is wholly free from incitement to class or religious hatred and from bitterness of personalities and objectionable kind which formerly characterized similar contests. This clean fighting was so widely appreciated that it must be worth thousands of votes to Sinn Fein.’

When Eamon DeValera was selected as a candidate for East Clare, a US newspaper editorial commented
‘The choice of a Sinn Feiner, serving time in prison, as member of Parliament for an Irish constituency caused no surprise to the London News. Ireland today, it says, is filled with "a passion of indignation" against England unparalleled for a generation. The admission of Sir Edward Carson, leader of the Ulster rebellion, to the Lloyd George ministry, after the execution of the leader of the Dublin rebellion, has been a trump card to the Sinn Fein organs. Here it is necessary to point out that the British censor has rendered it practically impossible to give representative summaries of Irish opinion outside of the organs of Ulster and the organs Sinn Fein are printed by stealth to some extent.

Quotations from Berlin dailies on the subject of the Irish situation are not permitted in London newspapers. The censorship in, London seems to be exercised through the war office which has ruled that passages In general articles dealing with military situations must be submitted to Its judgment before publication. Ireland being held by a British army of occupation under General Sir Bryan Mahon, comes within this ruling. All Sinn Fein organs come under the "seditious" class as defined by the War Office in London. The result is a state of things painted in somewhat dramatic fashion by the Vossische Zeitung (Berlin), and as the British War Office permits no exploration of German dailies to this country, we must depend upon scraps translated Into Italian Socialist dailies and Swiss pro-German organs. Even the comments of the London Nation upon the Irish - situation have not been available of late, owing to the ban upon its exposition.

Private letters sent aboard from Ireland are opened in the post office. In spite of the difficulties In the way of arriving at the facts, certain details can be set down by putting together revelations supplied In British dailies and inferences in continental European dailies. Thus, there is no doubt about the magnitude of the recent riots in Dublin and in Cork. Rebel emblems were displayed lately in both, those cities. The orders of the military ruler in Ireland, who, to all in tents and purposes, has superseded the civil government, are frequently set at flat defiance. He cannot prevent altogether the holding of meetings. Even large processions now and then wend their way through Irish towns before the military can be summoned insufficient strength to disperse them.’

In an attempt to appease the Irish and provide impetus to the proposed Irish Convention, the British authorities decided to begin releasing the prisoners they still had in captivity in Britain after the failed Easter Rising. The month started with talk in the newspapers of the Convention that would they hoped once and for all solve the Irish question allowing the Irish to dictate the result. Tired of Irish ‘hooliganism’, the Cambrian News newspaper editorial commented,
‘The deliberations of the forthcoming Irish Convention will be watched with intense interest. Whatever the nature of the constitution and machinery devised to meet the needs and whim of Ireland, one thing is certain. Whatever is devised cannot possibly be worse than the autocratic rule of Dublin Castle. Hitherto the fruits of that rule have been the agrarianism, the Fenianism, the whiteboyism, the Sinn Feinism, and the Carsonism that have cursed that unhappy island and mocked the earnest endeavours of the most enlightened section of British statesmen. Happily, to-day there is every indication that the impossibility of the continuance of present conditions have become apparent to every reasonable politician, with the exception of a small clique who, like the Bourbons. "learn nothing and forget nothing.’


On June 11th, a crowd estimated in newspapers of the day as 3,000, twice as many as the number of Volunteers who turned out for Easter Monday, gathered on the southside of the Liffey across from Liberty Hall. On May 15th, the British authorities in Dublin issued a closure order on Liberty Hall under the Defence of the Realm Act and a large force of the D.M.P. were on duty to prevent such gatherings. The crowd marched across Butt Bridge overwhelming the police force. The Count Plunkett and Cathal Brugha arrived by car behind the throng pulling up in the front of the still badly damaged trade union headquarters. As the crowds surrounded the car with the recently elected MP, the police began to move in to disperse the illegal gathering and Brugha roared from the back seat,
            ‘The British Government won’t allow us our freedom of speech.’


Brugha and Plunkett were arrested by Inspector John Mills of the Dublin Metropolitan Police. As Mills and his men marched the two men towards Store Street police station, a young lad from the crowd stepped forward and struck Mills with a hurley. Mills was taken to Jervis Street hospital as his men bolstered with reinforcements got their prisoners to the station. Westmeath born Mills, would become the first fatality since the ending of the Rising. While some newspaper reported that the policeman had been ‘bludgeoned to death’, others including Sinn Fein supporters in Offaly were calling for ‘three cheers for the man with the hurley’. It seems more likely from witness statements that the fatal blow was unintentional and was simply an attempt by the crowd to loosen the grip they had on the arrested men.  

A day later the leader of the Nationalist party John Redmond would lose his brother William and MP for East Clare who was killed for the British on the Western Front. His seat would be won later by Eamon DeValera.

On June 18th amongst many of the prisoners released was Countess Markievicz who was accorded a heroes welcome when she landed at Dun Laoghaire from Holyhead. She was taken to Liberty Hall, still the focus of the rebels where she was showered with ‘praise and bouquets’. Another rebel released in June was Thomas Ashe who would be rearrested in August in Longford and die while being force fed at the start of a hunger strike the following September.

As more rebels arrived back into Dublin arriving at Westland Row Railway station, there was more rioting in the city. On Thursday June 21st a crowd of an estimated five hundred gathered at Redmond’s Hill and began to attack the homes of convalescing British soldiers many of them who had either Union Jacks in their windows or flying from the roofs. They then arrived in O’Connell Street and entered the ruins of the GPO and unfurled a Republican flag from the roof. The police again moved in and arrested eight men and five women. Three of the men appeared in court but were released by the magistrate in an attempt not to inflame the situation in the city.

The trouble wasn’t just limited to Dublin, Cork was engulfed by rioting especially serious on June 24th when one man was reported dead when the military opened fire with machine guns after the police failed to disperse the rioters. But according to Laurence Nugent’s Bureau of Military History witness statement,
‘At the end of June at a demonstration in Cork City to celebrate the homecoming of the Irish prisoners from British jails, the military were called out and ordered to use their bayonets. One man was killed and a large number were injured. Several of the police were injured, including D.I. Swanzy. Union Jacks were pulled down and the jail was attacked. At a public enquiry later it was found that the police and separation allowance people had caused the riot’.

As in Dublin the released prisoners arrived at Cork’s main railway station and proceeded to parade to a demonstration in the centre of the city. The police backed up by the military attempted to stop the seditious speeches and running battles began on the streets. The police baton charged and more fatally bayonet charged. Thirty year old Abraham Allen, a labourer married to Hannah with one child, lived at 2 North Mall. At quarter past eight Allen left the family home with his child to see what was going on, as events began to spiral out of control on the street, he sent the child home to his mother.

At the inquest into his death local woman Ellen McCarthy said she answered a knock on her door in Riordan's Court and Allen was slumped bleeding profusely from a wound to his thigh, he had been bayoneted on the corner of Kryl Street. He was taken to the local infirmary but died of his wounds. His funeral was one of the biggest seen in Cork with a cortege that stretched the entire length of Patrick Street.


On the 26th, Sinn Fein members smashed windows in the city and re opened their drill hall on Sheares Street that had been closed by the British authorities after the Rising.   

During the month while the Archbishop of Dublin Reverend William Walsh was receiving plaudits for his stand against partition the ordinary Dubliners was suffering as bread process increased by a half penny to 6d for two pounds and there was a major sugar shortage in the city. Beer prices had also increased as production was cut by order of the British as part of the war effort as the grains were being sent to the front. It was reported that Donegal was in the grips of a famine.


Sinn Fein who was now emerging as the real force in Irish politics was pursing a policy of absenteeism, civil disobedience and violence and would abandon theirs and Arthur Griffith’s policy of Dual Monarchy by the end of the year after the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis. Part of this civil disobedience was attempting to disrupt British food supplies leaving Ireland to the Western Front and in June 400 dock workers were on strike supported by the Trade Union movement in Liberty Hall. 

Wednesday, February 1, 2017

GOD MADE THE FLAG OF IRELAND. By Rev. P. A. Sharkey.

GOD MADE THE FLAG OF IRELAND.
By Rev. P. A. Sharkey.

God made the flag of Ireland, His angels wove each fold,
And wrapped around our sireland The Green and White and Gold.
It crowns old Ireland's mountains by Heaven's supreme decree
Above the graves of Ireland's brave it waves serene and free.

Though Britain's brutal laws have banned The Gold and White and Green,
God's angels wove its every strand, And low its glimmering sheen is,
Seen upon the mountain tops in folds of golden gorse,
Where white buds washed in dew drops

Grow, and streamlets wend their course. God made the flag of Ireland,
No puny human hands can tear from her, our sireland,
The love for which it stands— The White of Erin's virgin love,
Forgiving times untold, And bridging by His will above the deathless Green and Gold.


God made the flag of Ireland he made her sons to be the warders of their sireland,
A nation pure and free. Today no tyrant's bluster Shall cloud the Easter Dawn,
Beneath God's flag we muster, Our cry "Sinn Fein awaun!"

Thursday, December 8, 2016

Excerpt from the 1916 Rising & The Role of Alcohol Lecture


If your historical group or society would like to hear this lecture delivered in full by Eddie Bohan, a veteran of the licensed trade and the founder of the original 1916 Easter Rising Coach Tour contact
1916easterrisingcoachtour@gmail.com

Friday, December 2, 2016

Who Is To Blame For Ireland 1917?


Who do you blame for Ireland1917?

Ireland in the year after the failed Easter Rising was now historically changing faster than ever before in all facets of daily life. As the British struggled with the impasse of the Western Front and mounting losses of a young generation, the problems of Ireland were an irritation, an itch they could not scratch.

The leadership in militant Ireland had been silenced between May 3rd and 12th 1916. Those who survived were now trust forward into a spotlight that startled them and yet they embraced it. In early 1917 many of these future leaders were still being held at the pleasure of His Majesty but as the year wore on more and more ‘rebels’ were being granted an amnesty as being jailed without charge or trial. .

In the aftermath of four previous rebellions, 1798, 1803, 1848 and 1867, the British transported many of the militant leaders out of Ireland to colony’s like Australia and New Zealand but these avenues were now closed. Instead of a five month journey to the other side of the world the captured men were now just five hours across the Irish Sea in Wales. While captive in places like Frongoch, the men who survived the Easter Rising were planning a new campaign with a different military direction and tactics.

The political landscape was changing as the old guard of Redmond was being swept aside by an even more nationalist yet untested leadership of the Irish Volunteers.
Within months the militant nationalists now under the banner of Sinn Fein won a series of by elections, Count Plunkett whose son Joseph was one of the executed leaders won a by election in Roscommon, Joseph McGuinness in Longford, DeValera in Clare and W T Cosgrave in Kilkenny. By October Sinn Fein was gathering in great numbers at the Mansion House to demand independence while the British attempt to solve the Irish question, The Irish Convention that met at the old Parliament building on College Green was quagmire in deadlock. But the prospect of conscription and partition was on the lips of everyone. The Irish Conscription Act had got through the House of Commons in April 1917.

As though ignoring the old adage ‘divide and conquer’, the British blundered and bumbled through Irish life. Instead of dividing and reasserting its dominance, Britain was adding fuel to the feeling that they cared little about Ireland except for stripping its land of food and men to feed their war effort. In 1917 Ireland was divided more than ever. The northern part of the island remained loyal to the Union and to the bloody mud fields of the Western Front. A section of the remaining part of the island also supported the battle against the Axis powers. Despite the reaction to the events of Easter week, Irishmen both north and south an estimated 15,000 had volunteered to join the British army although that enlistment slowed later in 1917 after the Battle of Passchendaele. That battle was another huge loss of life despite the best efforts of both the press and the censor to portray it as a victory. The Irish families were becoming increasingly aware of the growing loss of life. Ireland was still very parochial and as the losses became more evident in every community especially in rural Ireland, farmer’s sons were more in demand for the harvest than the front. Some sought a peaceful resolution of the Irish question while others still planned a military campaign.  

Life went on. The All Ireland football final took place in December in Croke Park in from of 6,500 spectators who cheered as Wexford won their third final in a row, while the hurling had been played earlier in October and saw a Dublin team come out on top of Tipperary while the very British game of association football had been suspended because of the First World War. Airfields were opened all over Ireland for the Royal Flying Corps from Baldonnel to Collinstown to Tallaght aircraft were flying over Dublin every day as the war effort intensified especially with the arrival of the United States into the European conflict.

A famine of sorts was once again striking at the heart of Ireland creating even more discontent and a rise in industrial militancy. Irish produce including the potato was being exported to Britain to sustain the war effort as some Irish starved, although to be balanced some Irish farmers were profiteering from the increased artificially high prices of some food items. As animal livestock was about to be exported Dublin Dockers refused to load cargo vessels and provided welcome relief to some of the underprivileged and undernourished Dubliners. There were headline grabbing riots in Cork as families who had one family member incarcerated as a result of Easter week and another serving in the British army demanded the release of their family to help with harvests. The cost of living in an already depressed economy increased. Food, travel and even the price of drink increased though a ban on whiskey led to a booming poteen market in the west of Ireland.  


Britain’s mismanagement of Ireland and its problems was yet again evident throughout 1917 unable to understand how to seek a just, peaceful exit from seven hundred years of tumultuous rule. 

Tuesday, November 29, 2016

The Hijacking of Daniel O'Connell

Even the great Daniel OConnell wasn't immune from the King of Beers hijacking his name in their efforts to ply us with alcohol. I'm sure his family neither sanctioned or received any remuneration for the use of his image and name.


Wednesday, August 24, 2016

Blog of The Year 2016 - Shortlist


We are honoured in this a very special year to be rewarded for our research by being shortlisted for Littlewoods Ireland Blog of the Year awards in the Arts and Culture section. Win, lose or draw we will continue to bring you the unique aspects of the Easter Rising.

http://blogawardsireland.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/Littlewoods-Ireland-Blog-Awards-2016-Corporate-Shortlist.pdf


Saturday, August 13, 2016

The Trials of the 1916 Press Pack - Part Six

Sidney Cave in his report on the same meeting published in the New York Sun on the same day went further with the conversation between the journalists and Lord Wimbourne and his civilian administration deputy Birrell. His by lined article was squarely aimed at the North American reader as it was titled

The newspaper article title was a reflection of a question prompted by an interview that the Irish Parliamentary Party leader John Redmond had given to an Associated Press reporter when asked about the Rising.
The misguided insane young men who have taken part in this movement in Ireland have risked and some of them have lost their lives, But what am I to say of those men who have sent them into this insane and anti-patriotic movement while they have remained in the safe remoteness of American cities.
I might add that this movement has been set in motion by the same class of men at the very moment when America is demanding reparation for the blood of innocent American men, women and children shed by Germany (the sinking of the Lusitania) and thus they are guilty of double treason, treason to the generous land that received them as well as the land that gave them birth. 

‘IRISH PLOT NOT HATCHED IN U.S, SAYS WIMBORNE
Lord Lieutenant Is Certain Rebellion Failed Because It Was Sprung on Spur of Moment.’
He wrote
‘'There is no evidence at all that any American influence been concerned in the trouble in Dublin. There may be sympathisers in America with the disturbances, but even of that I have no knowledge”
Lord Wimbourne. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland made this statement to me at the Vice Regal Lodge this afternoon for transmission to America. In reply to a question put to him concerning the Sinn Feiners' Insurrection and the siege of Dublin.
I had repeated to him the official statement made concerning Sir Roger Casement's attempted landing that the plot was hatched In America. "I have not heard that. Certainly we have no official confirmation," he replied.
Lord Wimbourne received me in His official residence, from which one of his
predecessors. Lord Spenser, unquestionably watched the commencement of the Phoenix Park murders. For the first time I was able to obtain an official account of the amazing event of the last week. Augustine Birrell. Secretary of State for Ireland, was present at the time added frequently to comments of the Lord Lieutenant.

I give Wimbourne’s own narrative

Attack on Castle Fails.
"It began on Monday at half past eleven. We heard there had been an attack on the castle, that Stephen's Green and the Four Courts had been occupied, and also that the post office had been seized. Telephonic communication to the Curragh was at once put in motion and reserve troops arrived in Dublin that night.
"The following morning this situation at the castle eared. All they did there was to shoot a policeman at the castle gates. They never got in or occupied it.
Sir Mathew Nathan (secretary to Augustine Birrell) was at the castle, but was never for a moment in danger.
"They prevented communication with the north. Also they cut all telegraphic communication with the country except the Curragh. This apparently they were unable to do. They failed to seize any station except the Broadstone station. This was surprised, but they didn't hold it long.

Author Note
Cave failed to mention as it was in both UP and AP accounts of the press conference that the Broadstone Station was unprotected when it was attacked.

"Tuesday morning we had all our reinforcements from the Curragh. Since that morning the Sinn Feiners had attempted nothing except sniping from any hidden spots or roofs. Tuesday a gunboat on the Liffey shelled Liberty Hall which we occupied at once "
Mr. Birrell pointed out that a great deal of time had been taken up of necessity by the soldiers In working their way round the Sackville street area
Lord Wimbourne resumed
"Wednesday night we had a complete cordon round the city, By Thursday there was another inner cordon round the Sackville Street district so we really had a double cordon. The troops from the Curragh were insufficient to deal with the trouble so we had to send for assistance. Field artillery has been used to get them out of houses.
"The situation in the provinces on the whole is very good. With the exception of fighting in Galway and Athenry where the police are in possession of the town, but where the rebels are encamped in the ruined castle; Wexford and Enniscorthy, County Meath and Louth everything is quiet. At Galway town they attacked and we landed men from the fleet to support the police and military. The most serious fighting was in County Meath and County Louth there was hostile assembles but there were no serious developments. "The Sinn Feiners, I understand issued a proclamation proclaiming a republican government and referred to foreign aid. I understand that Germany has been very lavish with promises, which have not come up to expectations. I am absolutely sure there is a connection between the movement and Germany.
Mr Birrell interposed at this point
"The whole thing was timed. The Casement ship was armed and sent out from Germany and Sir Roger Casement in a submarine was timed to land at the same time as the German fleet attacked Yarmouth and Lowestoft and the time of the attack here. The intention I have no doubt, was that of a diversion of troops from the Continent to Ireland. If the landing had occurred it would have raised a great flame In England."
Lord Wimbourne added:
"It is interesting to note that an automobile went into the river at Tralee on the night of the arrest of Sir Roger Casement. The occupants were drowned. Two bodies were recovered and on the clothing of both were Sinn Fein badges."
Resuming the narrative the Lord Lieutenant said:
"The proclamation of the rebels, which I understand was sent by wireless, had seven signatures. Including Jim Connelly, J. T. Clark, an old Sinn Feiner who kept a tobacconists shop and has been under suspicion and has been reported on for years and men named Pearse and McDermott.
"The situation has now become a military one in Dublin. Martial law has been declared in Dublin county and Dublin city. There is no sign of sedition in the Royal Irish Regiments, the Royal Irish Constabulary or in any section of the Irish population except the Sinn Feiners. My own belief is that the decision to make this rising was not arrived at until Monday itself. I think the attack was a most audacious and badly planned plot which miscarried, not because we were largely ready for it, but because it was formed on the spur of the moment."
The Lord Lieutenant had no official details of the casualties or of the properties destroyed by artillery or fire, but it is believed that the totals are much less than have been rumoured.


But despite the strict War Office censorship that they have overseen most telegraphs or telegrams being sent across the Atlantic, as the British controlled both the sea cables and the wireless stations, Associated Press managed to get very accurate reports into the American Press. The AP’s article was carried by the Harrisburg Telegraph in Pennsylvania and the following is that article with the bold italic notations this author has made to illustrate the reporting of Berry.

SINN FEINERS DESPERATELY FOR LIVES CITY ON FIRE
Regulars Now Command All Rebel Positions, the Fall of
Which Is Matter of Time; Field Cans Bark, Machine
Guns Rattle and Rifle Fire Patters All Over City Apparently at Same Time; Casualty List Exceeds 100

SACKVILLE AND GRAFTON STREETS IN FLAMES; ARTILLERY BEING USED ON VACANT HOUSES
Snipers on House tops Take Pots hot at All Civilians; Firmly Believed in Popular Mind That German Submarines Have Been Landing Arms For Several Months; Countess in Uniform Shoots Guard; Looting Is Now Widespread London. April 27. (Thursday)

Parts of the city of Dublin arc in flames, an Evening News dispatch filed at Belfast last night says. Street fighting continues and there is much looting. One dispatch received from Ireland this afternoon says that Sackville and Grafton streets in Dublin arc in flames and that artillery is being used on the houses, the inhabitants having been removed. (It was made to sound like an ordered evacuation of civilians. Both of the streets mentioned were the main shopping districts)

Dublin. April 27. —Fifteen hundred (a very accurate number in the immediate chaos of the aftermath of the Rising) or so armed men of the Sinn Fein had a hold on Ireland's capital today. After four days of fighting their rebel flag still flew from a number of central points. Since Monday some of the chief positions in the city have been in the hands of the rebels. In defending these strongholds against regular troops and Irish nationalist volunteers the rebels are fighting with desperation for their lives which they know may be forfeited on account of treason. (The notion of executions is already in the press despite the fact that leaders of the previous two rebellions were exiled rather than executed)

Regulars now command all the rebel positions, the tall of which is merely a question of time. The streets of Dublin were deserted to-day except for sentries and military guards. Business was at a standstill. Civilians peeped anxiously from behind curtained windows. Field guns were barking, machine guns rattling and rifle tire was pattering, apparently from every quarter at the same time.

When the Associated Press (Robert Berry) correspondent landed early this morning at the quay near the customs house the pinging of bullet from rifles of snipers in the vicinity was frequent. Augustine Birrell the secretary for Ireland had made the passage from England with the newspapermen. As he stepped ashore he shouted cheerily:
"I wish you luck gentlemen. I don't know what will happen to you. Now that you are here"
Soldiers and rebels fired at each other from street corners, wharves, roofs and windows. Sentries with fixed bayonets on loaded rifles, stationed every few yards shouted their commands to halt. Naval guns joined in and added to the deafening gun fire. From the quay the respective positions could be seen. The rebels were
holding a square section of territory from the point where Liberty Hall stood before a gunboat destroyed it as for as Sackville Street, to St. Stephens Green and the Four Courts district and along the southern side of the river to the Butt and O’Connell bridges. They also held isolated positions in a flour mill and a disused distillery opposite the North Wall station. (This was very accurate reporting despite strict British censorship)

Rebel Flag Waves Over all this section there was considerable fighting the whole day. The distillery was the scene of one of the sharpest little battles of the uprising. The rebels were forced out of the flour mill by bombardment and many of them were seen, covered with flour making their way to the distillery.
Once there they hoisted the rebel flag which floated from the corner of a square tower. Soon a naval gun opened fire. The first shot hit the tower, and then half a dozen in succession struck the roof around it. The flag still flew and the rebels replied with rifles and a machine gun. The bombardment ceased after a dozen shots, but was renewed later. Hit after hit was scored, but the flag remained hanging from its pole. One shot hit a water tank just below it and for a time there was a miniature cascade down the walls of the distillery. When night fell and all firing except with rifles ceased the flag was still flying defiantly over the side of the little tower. (Was this bombardment for the benefit of the journalists based in a hotel on the North Wall Quay on the Liffey)

Barricades Bombarded

Another brief artillery demonstration was directed against the barricades in Sackville Street. Clouds of thick smoke soon rose around various prominent objects in that part of Dublin as the shells burst, while between times the rattle of the machine guns seemed like a continuation of the reverberation of the heavy pieces. So closely guarded were the approaches to the lighting zone that it was impossible to gauge accurately what damage was done and attempts by correspondents to pass a long street leading toward the center of the city brought upon them a detachment of soldiers with weapons ready for use. The' troops had early in the rebellion learned lo distrust civilians, some of whom were found to be evidently in sympathy with the Sinn Feiners if not in league with them. Wearing khaki meant the same as a sentence to death.

Kill Unarmed Soldiers

When the revolt began at 1 o'clock Monday afternoon the soldiers walking
about the city were as usual, unarmed and numbers of them paid the full penalty without being able to defend themselves. Other governmental uniforms brought discomfort for their wearers. (This was perhaps a reference to the story of the killing of the GR’s at Mount Street). The Dublin metropolitan police were exposed to somewhat similar treatment to that accorded soldiers by the rebels and most of the policemen went to their homes and changed to civilian clothing. Postmen on duty at the general post office which was the first building seized by the Sinn Feiners and later became their were sent away and told to come back in a week for their wages which would be paid in Irish republican coinage. The rebels cut all the wires, destroyed the apparatus and seized all money. (This seemed to be very open reporting)

Even Had Entrenching Tools

Everything except, failure seemed to have been foreseen by the rebels who, when they started the revolt were as well uniformed as were the regular soldiers. Their clothing, arms and equipment were good and they were even provided with entrenching tools which they used when they marched on St. Stephens Green. The ammunition supply of the rebels appeared to be plentiful and was used unsparingly. Some bullets which entered the hotel where the correspondents assembled were certainly of German manufacture. Other weapons used by the rebels were 12-bore shotguns and cartridges filled with ugly leaden slugs. (The hotel was the North Western Hotel on the North Wall Quay)

Flames Light City

The battle was thickest to-day around an entire block of business houses in the Sackville street quarter. These buildings had been occupied by the rebels at the start and breaches had been made in a party wall between the stores so that the men could retreat righting from one room to another in the event of the places being stormed. To-night the Irish capital was brilliantly lighted by the flames from an Important central block of houses a couple of acres in extent. Frequent explosions occurred followed by salvos of machine gun and rifle tire turned on the rebels who were making their way from one building to another.

Bodies lying in streets

No exact idea of the number of casualties was obtainable but many bodies were lying about the streets unburied. Houses contained many others. The authorities said the troops had not suffered nearly as much as had the rebels whose strong holds was under fire at all times both day and night. (This was clearly a British military slant on casualty totals emanating from their spin doctors as military casualties were double those of rebel forces)

German Submarines Are Believed to Have
Landed Armies in Ireland By Associated Press London, April 29.

Although the story of the early hours of the Dublin uprising has now been disclosed in considerable detail, England is still without authentic information as to the progress of later events. Normal telegraph, telephone and mail services with Ireland have not been restored and the existing means of communication are subjected to such strict censorship that it is possible to obtain only fragmentary information, such news dispatches as came through this morning added little to the information contained in last night's official advices and stories of eye-witnesses.

Casualties Mat Growing

So far as official reports show the situation in Dublin is gradually being brought under control. There seems to be no doubt that the rebels still control various parts of Dublin and that street fighting continues with a lengthening list of casualties. It is reported the casualty list already exceeds 100. Of the situation outside Dublin little is known beyond the official admission that the dissatisfaction has spread to various localities in the west and south of Ireland. Field Marshal French's statement of last night described these disturbances as local in character and so far as has been revealed by information which has passed the censorship they have not been attended by heavy fighting. (This paragraph is an excellent example of information and mis-information going hand in hand)

Snipers Pick of Civilians

Upwards of 100 persons have been killed or injured thus far in Dublin, a correspondent at Belfast Evening News reports in a dispatch filed last night. He says the rioters hidden in houses commanding important street junctions or covered by barricades in the streets are keeping up a constant fusillade. The list of casualties continues to lengthen. It includes many civilians who the correspondent says, have been picked off by Sinn Fein snipers for no other reason than that they were believed to be loyal. The cordon of troops is being drawn gradually but surely around the rebel strongholds. The authorities are carrying on their difficult task with the greatest forbearance. Every effort is being made to avoid unnecessary bloodshed and damage. (Blame is already been apportioned with the rebels being singled out as the aggressors and the force committing war crimes. This is an attitude originating in Unionist Belfast) (Avoiding a growing civilian casualty list would be difficult as the British forces are the only side using artillery)

Germans Landed Arms
"The thing that surprises me the most about the uprising in Ireland is the supply of munitions in the hands of the rebels," said an Irishman who arrived in London this morning, he spent ten hours in Dublin on Tuesday and, departing that evening, remained until last night in Kingstown.
"There is little doubt in the popular mind that Germans have been landing
arms from submarines for months," he continued, "and it is even said though I don't believe it—that a few Germans also landed and organized. "I learned that the rebels made prisoners of a large number of policemen and a few stray soldiers at the Royal Irish constabulary depot and at Phoenix Park. (This was simply a rumour being accepted as fact as newspaper editors struggle to get a true picture of events due to censorship and lack of communications from the heart of the action)
"My walk through the center of the city Tuesday afternoon was very eventful and 1 was glad finally to reach Kingstown. I was challenged many times by both rebel and loyal sentries. The rebel sentries were threatening but allowed me to pass after searching for arms. (It was always the aim of Patrick Pearse that the rebellion should be conducted in a proper military fashion and that there should be no stain left on the flag of the new Irish Republic)

Countess Shoots Guard

"I heard that the Countess Markievicz, the sister of an Irish baron, who was prominent in the Larkin strike and a leading figure in the present movement, shot dead a guard in front of Dublin Castle in an effort to capture the Castle. This effort proved abortive."
This informant, who is an engineer of the War Department and a strong Royalist, says a great majority of the people of Ireland are entirely without sympathy for the rebels, whom they regard as a small and irresponsible minority. (True)

James Larkin Leading Irish Uprising; Aided by Uniformed Countess Dublin.
Tuesday April 25 (By Courier to Kingstown), via London. (False, Larkin was in the US when the Rising began)

Dublin now has been held up for twenty-four hours by a combination of members of the Sinn Fein Society and followers of James Larkin, head of the Transport Workers' Union and well known as a strike leader. There has been the same violence in the city as marked the big streetcar strike in 1913, the Associated Press, eyewitness of the disorders declared.

This strike was headed by Larkin but supplemented by the use of an armed force with military pretensions and the seizure of strategic points designed to give the disturbance the aspect of a revolution.

Gas Supply Cut Off

The trouble has gone on now for twenty-four hours and has completely dislocated the life of Dublin. No shops are open and no business is being transacted. Street cars have ceased to run and the gas supply has been cut off. Use of the telephone between the city and the suburbs has been forbidden by the military, and the running of trains to and from the country is very irregular. Monday, at midday, the Sinn Fein revolutionists were assembled as if for one of their usual parades. They were supposed to be going out for an Easter Monday march. Some of the rank and file even imagined that this was their purpose. About 6OO of them, however, took possession of the general post office in Sackville Street, which at the time was attended by the usual small holiday staff of clerks. There the six hundred men remained all day and night and still hold forth. Telegraph and postal- communication, insofar, as it goes through this the chief post office in Ireland, has ceased

Hoist Irish Republic Flag

The raid was beyond the power of the police to deal with. Small detachments of Lancers appeared on the scene, but after two or three of their horses had been shot and two or three of the men wounded they withdrew. Since then the Sinn Feiners in the post office have been left alone and they have hoisted the flag of the Irish Republic over the building. (The human interest side playing on the heart strings of the readers creating a sense of animal cruelty being perpetrated by the rebels that this despite thousands of horses being killed on the western front)

The Countess Markievicz, the sister of an Irish baron, in a volunteer uniform was a prominent figure in the disturbance. She was one of the leading sympathizers with James Larkin in the 1913 street car riots and her house was raided in January by the police, who are said to have seized a printing press and type with which alleged pro-German literature was being printed. Her husband is said to be a Polish nobleman.

Much Rifle Firing
There has been much rifle and revolver firing, seemingly at nothing in particular and several persons out holiday-making have been killed or injured. The wounded were removed to St. Vincent's Hospital, on one side of St. Stephen's Green. In the Portobello road, over the canal which forms the boundary of the city, the Sinn Feiners seized a corner public house. Here also holiday-makers suffered from promiscuous shooting. One platoon of the Royal Irish Rifles succeeded in dislodging and taking prisoner these Sinn Feiners. During Monday officers and men in khaki and also isolated Individuals were shot at in the streets. Some of them are reported to have been killed or wounded. (The British over playing their success in retaking J T Davy’s pub after three hours of constant fire despite the fact that the rebels had left earlier via a back door and no prisoners were taken in the pub when it was recaptured)

College of Surgeons Seized

The Royal College of Surgeons, which faces St. Stephen's Green on the west, was seized by the Sinn Feiners and their flag flown from it. It is impossible as yet to ascertain or even approximate the number of persons killed or injured, but there is no doubt that the aggregation is considerable as the holiday crowds were large and the shooting by the Sinn Feiners was very wild and reckless.

Redmond Sees Menace in Revolt to Free Ireland London, April 29.(Thursday)—John Redmond,
leader of the Irish Nationalists in the House of Commons, last night gave the following statement concerning the uprising in Dublin:
"My first feeling, of course, on hearing of this insane move, was one of horror, discouragement and utmost despair. I asked myself whether Ireland, as so often before-in her tragic history, was to dash the cup of liberty from her lips—was the insanity of a small section of her people once again to turn all her marvellous victories of the last few years into irreparable defeat and to send her rack, on the very eve of her final recognition as a free nation, into another long night of slavery, incalculable suffering and weary and uncertain struggling.

For look at the Irish position today.

In the short space of forty years Ireland has by a constitutional movement made an almost unbrokenly triumphant march from pauperism and slavery to prosperity and freedom. She has won back the possession of Irish land; she has stayed emigration she has succeeded in placing on the statute books the greatest character freedom ever offered her since the days of Grattan. Is all this to but lost?

Revolt Was Kindled in Phoenix Park, Scene of Ireland's Darkest Days
By Associated Press London. April 29.
It was in Phoenix Park, the scene of some of Ireland's darkest days, that the first spark of the Irish revolt was kindled, says a Daily Mail dispatch from Dublin. On Monday morning the so-called Citizen army held a review in the park, paraded and marched with, leaded rifles and fixed bayonets. Afterward they were addressed by their leaders and marched in flamboyant. well-ordered ranks for the return to Dublin, adds the Mail.
Passing the Vice Regal Lodge in silence, they entered the outskirts of the town where they met some of the troops of the Dublin garrison marching in the opposite direction. Two men in the first rank of the Citizen army levelled their rifles and fired among the soldiers. Two officers and several men fell. The attackers immediately flung up their arms but the soldiers replied, killing three Sinn Feiners.

Signal For Revolt

This was the signal for a general revolt and the news was carried like a flash to the heart of the city. (This may have been a reference to the attempt to blew up the munitions depot in the Phoenix Park) A message to the Royal military barracks brought the first draft of soldiers. Owing to the fact that it was a holiday with races in progress, Dublin was fairly empty.

Resultory firing began in different streets, obviously with the purpose of diverting the attention of the military from the main objects of the rebels attack the post office, hotels in the center of the city, the four courts, St. Stephens Green and Trinity College all of which were soon in the hands of the rebels.

Constant Fusillade of Shots by Rebels Keep Dublin Streets Deserted
By Associated Press London, April 29.

A graphic story lot' the situation in Dublin, as told by I a clergyman who got away from the city by motor to Belfast, is printed in the Daily Telegraph to-day. The clergyman said there was hardly a soul to be seen in the streets of Dublin. The rebels had entrenched themselves in St. Stephens Green over night and on Wednesday morning were blazing away with their rifles. He was unable to discover at what they were firing. All around St. Stephens Green are the houses of gentry, judges and leading governmental officials, while at one corner of the green is the Shelburne Hotel, the occupants all of which are virtually prisoners. At the head of Grafton Street, Dublin's fashionable shopping thoroughfare, the rebels had erected strong barricades. Rows of motorcars, commandeered in the streets the previous day, were thrown across the road, shutting off access to the green.

At Dublin Castle there were few traces of Monday's struggle. The entrance was barred up. It was here that two of the earliest fatalities occurred, the policeman on duty at the gate of the castle and the sentry inside, both being shot dead. (DMP man James O’Brien and Guy Vickery Pinfield)

Shot At All in Uniforms

The offices of the Daily Express and the Evening Mail were early in the hands of the rebels, who utilized them as points of vantage for firing at every man seen in uniform. An establishment on the opposite side of the street also was captured. To reach the city from St. Stephens Green, the clergyman had to proceed by way of York Street, whence it was e easy to go to the quays. There was no traffic south of Four Courts, which were still in the hands of the rebels who could be seen inside wearing their green hats. A hospital close by had been completely wrecked and the inmates made prisoners in the upper rooms. At the general post office a green white and orange flag floated to the breeze. The rebels were still in possession of the building. Sackville Street was a scene of desolation, the sidewalks littered with glass, shops had been looted and their contents carried away in large quantities. Travelling by circuitous route, the clergyman left the city unmolested, and on the way to Belfast turned back a number of motors which were going to Dublin.

SINN FEINERS ARRESTED
By Associated Press Cork. April 29.

A committee of Dublin Sinn Feiners arrived here by automobile Monday and held a secret conference with local leaders. Later the committee was arrested at Limerick by the military before they had a chance to confer with the leaders there.

Brave Little Irish Girl Runs Through Hail of Bullets to Aid Wounded
By Associated Press Holyhead, via London, April 29.

Eye-witnesses arriving here state that when they left Dublin Thursday night Sackville Street was completely in the hands of the rebels and was blockaded with barbed wire entanglements. Hundreds of visitors in the hotels were unable to get away. Looting of shops was in progress in many quarters and the horses were lying dead in the streets. A resident of London returning from Dublin praised the heroism of an Irish girl l5 years old who ran from her home like a deer in the face of a hail of snipers' bullets to rescue wounded soldiers. The informant said: "She grasped a wounded soldier under the arms—a stranger to her, for he had just arrived from England and dragged him to where others stood ready to carry him to a hospital. Then back she ran for another of the stricken soldiers. Her example inspired scores. She repeatedly led nurses and doctors from a hospital almost in a rain of fire from buildings to places where the wounded lay. Loud cheers greeted her.

Emphasizes Organization of Rebels and Efforts of Leaders to Stop Riots
By Associated Press London, April 29.
The Times publishes an account of an eye-witness of the Dublin uprising which emphasizes the excellent organization of the rebels and the fairly successful efforts of the leaders to restrain rioting. This account says:
"Civilians were not molested in the streets and much of the firing was of blank cartridges. There was an effort to show that the movement was strictly military in character and directed only against the government not against the populace. There was a little looting, but only about ten or twenty shops were entered. There was no violence against private persons and as long as you did not wear a uniform you were as safe walking in Dublin streets as in the streets of London.
"This shows a remarkable difference from the Dublin riots two years ago when it was not safe for anybody to walk in the streets for fear of violence. During last Monday's and Tuesday's trouble the populace could go where they liked. There was barbed wire around the past office, but the sentinels made no effort to prevent people who wished to do so from crawling under the barriers.

Seize Money

"On the other hand, it was made clear that anybody in his Majesty's uniform would be shot at sight. Another illustration of the rebels excellent organization was the fact that, although food was commandeered from a big hotel, it was paid for. According to reports, the money came from the post office vaults, where it is alleged a large quantity of new money was seized. We planned to rise simultaneously with our Dublin comrades, but something went wrong with the arrangements said a leader of the Sinn Feiners in Cork in an interview published here today. (The food was paid for was another indication that the rebels conducted themselves in a proper military fashion and that they were soldiers and not a mob or rioters)

Prepared for Anything
"'We might have been in possession of the post office but for the fact that
the military was there first. – added the leader. 'Now I do not think we will rise here, but if they come to demand our arms we shall shoot them. When the news of the Dublin rising trickled through here Monday we all retired to our armoured barracks, loaded our rifles, polished bayonets, set in stores of provisions and prepared for anything. The bishop of Cork and the lord mayor came to the barracks at midnight and demanded admission, which was granted after considerable parley. They implored us to lay down our arms and not to resort to physical force. We refused absolutely. Sorrowfully and with bowed head, the bishop said: "Then I leave you to your fate." We told him we did not fear our fate, whereupon he departed

On Sunday morning the journalists were taken again through the streets to HQ on Parkgate Street and brief by the military. They were told that four hundred and fifty rebels had laid down their arms at the Parnell Statue on Sackville Street. An insurgent Lieutenant and ten men carrying a white flag had entered the city from County Meath with a view to the surrender of their forces in that county. He was given permission to talk to the prisoner Pearse ‘Commandant General of the Republican Army’ in order that the surrender could be confirmed. Afterwards the Lieutenant was allowed return to Meath to make arrangements for his men’s surrender. The journalists were also informed that ‘piles’ of rifles had been gathered up and taken to Dublin Castle.   


The battle for Dublin was over. There was other fighting to be covered and within forty eight hours most of the war correspondents, who made their way to Dublin were back on the Western Front.